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Transcript- M.I.M. Mohideen

3 September 2010

 Mr. M.I. M. Mohideen


C.R de Silva: Mr. Mohideen, first I wish to outline the procedure.  You are entitled to give evidence in public or if you so choose you can give evidence in camera.  That is a matter that is left to you.  If you give evidence in camera that evidence will be only known to the Commissioners, but otherwise the general rule is that evidence be given in public and at the end of your presentations the Commissioners are entitled to ask questions.  Apart from the Commissioners nobody else can ask any questions.  No member of the public can ask any questions at any stage.  At any stage, for example, if you feel that in response to questions asked by us that you need to give evidence in camera, you can make that request. 

 Mohideen: I want to give evidence and to express the suffering and experience the Muslim community had during this period. I have already sent a note to the Secretary earlier regarding the Lessons Learnt during that period. 

War crimes against Muslims in Muttur and Trincomalee:

 200 Muslim youth were abducted by the LTTE on Friday the 4th August 2006. On the same day thousands of fleeing Muslims civilians including pregnant months and children and the elderly have been subjected to starvation for over 48 hours as a result of an attack by both the government forces and the LTTE. In terms of the CFA the government of Sri Lanka is responsible for the security in the government controlled areas. When the LTTE closed the Mavilaru anicut, the government and the army never understood the true intentions of the LTTE to capture Muttur.

The army strengthened the Mavilaru area but neglected the security of Muttur and removed about 400 security personnel who were deployed in Muttur and posted them in the Mavilaru area. This made Muttur more vulnerable to LTTE attacks. LTTE carefully observed the situation and entered Muttur on 2nd August 2006 without any resistance from the security forces. They disconnected the electricity and used the Muslims as human shields when the army attacked them. The Muslims got caught in the cross fire from the Army as well as the LTTE, shells fell on mosques, schools, hospitals and residential houses. Muttur was totally surrounded by the LTTE and the town could not function normally, business came to a standstill and the people could not acquire their daily food, children suffered without milk, patients in hospitals and the casualties suffered without treatment.

Since the concentration and consolidation of power by the LTTE in the Sambur during the CFA period the security of the Trincomalee harbor was always at great risk. The LTTE attacked the Trincomalee Naval Base using 122 mm and 130 mm artillery guns and mortars from Sambur area.  These heavy weapons were captured from the military during the Mullativu and Elephant pass debacles. The attack from these vast destruct heavy weapons remained the biggest challenge to the security forces carrying out operations in the southern and eastern parts of Trincomalee. Any mass movement by the security forces have been largely obstructed by these powerful guns. The LTTE also launched fierce attacks on army camps in Muttur, Kattaparichan, Gandhi Nagar and Thoppur. The CFA became a dead letter with both parties violating the CFA and regular ethnic cleansing of Muslims took place in the North East at the behest of the LTTE.

The engagement between the government and the LTTE only resulted in compromising the security of the civilians particularly that of the Muslim population. Both sides have shown absolute disregard for human security with the LTTE and the government security forces openly committing war crimes whilst innocent Muslim civilians were fleeing Muttur. 39,648 Muslim people in 9920 families were displaced, 32 died and 7 missing during 1st and 8th August 2006 in Muttur. Muslims hacked to death in Pottuvil. 10 Muslims were hacked to death on Saturday 16th September 2006, near the Radella tank in Pottuvil which created tensions and fear amongst the Muslims population. The government blamed the LTTE for this brutal killing but the civilians thought it’s was the government’s special task force.

According to reports from the area the victims were found blindfolded, handcuffed and hacked to death in a vicious and brutal manner in close proximity to the Panama STF8 camp which is an open area with no jungle. This area is fully under the control of the security forces so there was no likelihood of the LTTE entering into this area. The journalist who visited Pottuvil on Monday 18th September 2006 has said that the area was gripped by tension with the civilians assigning the brutal attack on Muslims was clearly the work of the security forces and not the LTTE.

Human Rights Violations against Muslims:

On Thursday 20th June 2002, a Muslim 3 wheel driver called Faizal was badly beaten by LTTE’s Ranjan and a few others in Muttur. When Faizal came home bleeding his family members were provoked so they collected a few others and went and caused some damage to the LTTE office in retaliation to what LTTE’s Ranjan and others had done to Faizal. On Wednesday the 26th June 2002 a hartal was organized by the LTTE to protest the attack on the LTTE office by the Muslims in Muttur. About 500 LTTE cadres participated and forced the Muslims to close their shops and business places and they threatened to set fire to a petrol pumping station in the Muslim area. The Muslims closed their shops but resisted any attack on the petrol pumping station and the clash between the Tamils and Muslims started. 5 shops and 7 houses belonging to the Muslims were destroyed by the LTTE who came in the so called peaceful Hartal procession; they also removed the barbed wire fence to the paddy fields and drove the cattle to destroying nearly 700 acres of paddy belonging to the Muslims.

On Friday the 28th June 2002, Valaichenai Pradesha Sabha office was set on fire  and destroyed. The grenade attack on Muslims returning after Friday Juma prayers, 7 were injured, 2 critically. Additional troops and special task forces were airlifted after the mortar shells were fired and grenades were hurled at the Muslims by the Tamil; The Battacaloa and Amparai districts were placed under curfew. On Sunday 30th June 2002, the LTTE abducted 2 Muslims, killed and threw them in Kalmaddu paddy field. The LTTE cadres with arms objected to the removal of the bodies for burial according to Muslims rites and insisted that they burn them at the sight. The army, Major Hettiarachchi contacted the headquarters and he was given the order from Colombo to leave the bodies and avoid any confrontation with the LTTE, then the LTTE cadres put the bodies on a heap of tires and burnt them in front of the parents, the army, police and destroyed all evidence of the horrendous human rights violation against the Muslims during the ceasefire.

The LTTE camp in Kinnya, Karangapan mosque, which is in Kinniya, Trincomalee, the government agent and the representative of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission jointly, had a meeting on the Karangapan Development Project on 6th June 2003. More than 200 displaced Muslims participated in the meeting in order to stop any development and the re-settlement of the displaced Muslims; the LTTE has set up their unlawful military camp in the mosque and abducted a Muslim Mohamed Haniffa Abdul Latiff. The unlawful erection of the military camp by the LTTE Karangapangan mosque was the most controversial issue discussed in the media. The parties to the CFA, government of Sri Lanka, the LTTE and the Norwegian Facilitators should have realized that the violation of the CFA at Karngapangan is denying the Muslims the benefit of the CFA in the peace process.  The LTTE camp at the mosque is now being occupied by Sri Lanka security forces.

Land and Property Rights of North East Muslims:

When questioned during the media conference which was described as the largest media event in Sri Lanka organized by the Tamil Tigers on 10th April 2002 about the forcible expulsion of tens of thousands of Muslim families by the LTTE in October 1990 from the North and the massacre of Muslims inside a mosque in the East, the LTTE political advisor, Anton Balasingham said that it was he who made an apology to the Muslim people in public to what had happened in the past and that they were willing to talk to the Muslims and resolve these issues. Responding to another question at the same media conference about the harassment of the Muslims in the eastern province and the statement of the LTTE’s eastern commander Karihalan is reported to have made that the Muslims had no land rights in the eastern province. Mr. Balasingham replied and said, “We want to tell you we have called the senior commanders of the eastern province to discuss the alleged harassment of the Muslim people. We believe that there is no dispute as far as the LTTE is concerned on the issue of Muslim people owning land in the north eastern province.”

De-merger of the Eastern Province:

The Supreme Court on Monday 16th October 2006 in a landmark judgment ruled that the merger of the northern and eastern provinces as null and void. The merger of the North and East flared up opposition as it was paving the way of creating a single Tamil dominated administrative entity that encompass 1/3rd of the land area and 2/3rd of the country’s coast. Also the ethnic balance of the eastern province was another matter of contention. Even with the strong opposition by the Sinhala and Muslim communities successive Presidents, Ranasinghe Premadasa, D.B. Wijetunga and Chandrika Kumaratunga continued the extension of the merger with the hope of arriving at a negotiated settlement to the national question and then decide on the fate of the two provinces at a final solution.

With the split of Karuna from the LTTE, Tamil regionalism based on the eastern province came to the fore adding a new dimension to the issue of north east merger. The Muslims have faced the brunt of the ethnic cleansing from the North and more recently in Muttur have absolutely no desire to subject themselves to further tyranny by the Tamil nationalist who has consistently tried to trap the Muslims in politics of Tamil speaking people.

Sinhalaization of the administration of the de-merged Eastern Province:

After de-merging the East in October 2006, the eastern province administration is being ethnically transformed. Former Trincomalee GA Rodrigo and Nelundeniya are the Chief Secretary and Public Administration secretaries respectively. Former Matale GA Udagae is the Secretary of the Provincial Public Service Commission. There are also ex-servicemen in key positions. The Governor is Rear Admiral Mohan Wijewickrema, the GA is Major General Ranjith de Silva, The rehabilitation coordinator is Major General Amaradeva, the Governor’s Secretary is Captain Patrick Jayasinghe and Sunnil Kannangara is the GA Amparai.  Appointing ex-servicemen to key administrative post has been criticized by members of the administrative service. However, the fact remains that this combination of retired administration and security officials is well equipped to implement in Sinhalaization process in the East.

Eastern Provincial Council election of 10th May 2008 and the appointment of Chief Minister:

Before the election, HE the President, Mahinda Rajapakse promised that the group that returns the highest number of members to the Council would be given the chance to appoint the Chief Minister to the Eastern Provincial Council. The election result reflected the mood of the people in the province with the UPFS 18 members, comprising 8 Muslims, 6 Tamils and 4 Sinhalese, while UNP/SLMC list returned 9 Muslims, 4 Tamils and 2 Sinhalese. The JVP and TVNA returned 1 Sinhalese and One Tamil respectively. In total 35 elected members from both sides, there were 17 Muslim representatives as opposed to 11 Tamils and 7 Sinhalese. Analyzing the overall ethnic composition of the elected members to the eastern province Provincial Council, Muslims have topped the list, on ethnic basis there are 17 Muslim members, 11 Tamils, and 7 Sinhalese elected to the 35 member Council. Although the Muslims command the majority in the Council, the government presented various arguments to change the province and appoint a Tamil ex LTTE terrorist as the Chief Minister of the eastern province.

Muslims discriminated in rehabilitation and rebuilding of the East:

Soon after the de-merger of the East by the Supreme Court and following the take over of the province by the armed forces, President Mahinda Rajapakse led UPFA government had elaborate plans to rebuild and rehabilitate the East. However, the Muslims community feels that the government has not so far included them in the development process.  When the government is rebuilding the infrastructure, the people must be given back their lost lands and freedom to engage in whatever livelihood they were engaged before.

Controversy over the new flag:

Sri Lanka government has designed a new flag for the Eastern Province. This new flag has caused much misunderstanding and confusion as the flag has failed to represent all the communities living in the east in a just and fair manner.  The new flag has three symbols, the lion, eagle and fish. The Muslims claim that whilst the lion and fish represent the Sinhalese and Tamils respectively, there is no symbol to represent the Muslims. The Muslim community which is the largest ethnic group in the East today has very serious concerns over the failure of the government to recognize this community by not printing any symbol in the flag to represent the Muslim community.

Paramilitary forces harassing civilians:

Law enforcement authorities in many parts of the eastern province are allegedly turning a blind eye to the continuous complaints made by the Muslims against Tamil terrorist. Apart from encroaching lands belonging to the Muslims the Tamil Terrorist have commenced taking ransom, most Muslim victims have now stopped complaining to the Police because when complaints were made to the Police the details of those who made the complaint were leaked, as a result these families were intimidated and harassed. 


Reconciliation between the Tamils, Muslims and the Sinhalese in the north east was taken up as a priority item at the peace talks commenced on Thursday 31st October 2002 at the Rose Garden Holiday Resort, Thailand.  At the 5th session of the peace talks in Berlin, 7 and 8th February 2003, LTTE Muslim District Communities were established in all the three district of the eastern province by the government peace Secretariat under the Prime Minister to mediate lands and property issues between the Tamils and Muslims. The resolution of the land, security and power sharing questions would be of enormous significance and will establish the basis for reconciliation between the Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese communities in the area of conflict, North East. If these issues are not resolved, reconciliation and permanent peace will never return to the North East of Sri Lanka.

Lessons Learnt Period:

Indo Sri Lanka Agreement of 29th July 1987, the arrival of Indian Peace Keeping Forces IPKF, the 13th amendment to the constitution certified on 4th November 1987, Provincial Council Act No: 42 of 1987, unilateral proclamation of in dependence of the separate state of Tamil Ealam and the EPRLF Chief Minister of the North East Provincial Council surreptiously leaving Sri Lanka with his 250 supporters to India in March 1990, North East Governor’s communication that more than one half of the members of the Council are refusing obedience to Sri Lanka Constitution, the dissolution of the merged North East Provincial Council, ethnic cleansing of the Muslims from the North in October 1990 is some of the lessons that we have learnt, therefore the lessons learnt period should have commenced on 29th July 1987 instead of 19th May 2009.

Thank you ladies and gentleman for allowing me to give evidence.


Q & A:

Rohan Perera: Thank you very much Mr. Mohideen for your submissions, you did refer to a particular incident I believe in Muttur. You referred to the fact that both the LTTE and the security forces attacks resulted in civilian deaths. Could you shed more light on this? Was it a case of deliberate targeting of civilian population or installations or were the civilians caught in a cross fire between the LTTE and the security forces, were the LTTE using civilians as a buffer as part of a strategy, so was it a case of deliberate targeting or civilians being caught in a cross fire. Could you clarify please?

Mohideen:  I have done a research on Muslim grievances for the last 40 years and I have documented the whole thing. There is a separate document regarding the massacre of Muslims in Muttur. The problem there was that after the Mavilaru anicut, the LTTE’s main intention was to capture Muttur and take control of Trincomalee harbor. That became possible during this period after shifting. Then both of them, first the LTTE came and then the armed forces came. Their idea was the LTTE wanted to capture the army and the army wanted to capture the LTTE. Your specific question, they never specifically targeted Muslims but what happened had Muttur being a Sinhala dominated area, the approach would have been entirely different, they would have considered the security of the people who were there the Sinhalese, on the other hand if Muttur had been a Tamil dominated area, LTTE also would also have seen that the Tamils are not seriously affected by this war. But these two parties, the government forces and the LTTE were not interested in the security of the majority community, the Muslims and also those people there, but to answer the question here, they never cared for the security of the majority Muslim people.

LTTE abducted 200 people and thousands of people left the place because they had no food, no water, nothing for 48 hours.  The government forces did nothing as far as the safety of the Muslims is concerned. Therefore, what I am trying to say here is the responsibility of the government to see that innocent people are not victimized. War crimes, regardless they were firing at innocent people, they rocketed, they bombed the schools, the hospitals, the mosques all those places. My experience in this is that the government forces, we were not looking for any consideration or safeguard from the LTTE. We were promised, don’t leave Muttur the government security forces would safeguard you. Shifting of the 400 military personnel who were stationed in Kinniya to Mavilaru gave an opening to the LTTE to come and capture and massacre the Muslims. Muslims were not only massacred in Muttur, they have been killing Muslims all over the north east so they wanted to kill as many Muslims as possible. This war gave them a good opportunity and the government forces did nothing. We can call it as neglected by our experience the lessons that we have learnt is that they never cared for it, neglecting is something and don’t care let anybody come kill anybody and go, something like that attitude. Our people the Muslims lost all hope because we never supported terrorism.

Rohan Perera.  Just to sum up in the light of that clarification, your position is that rather than deliberate targeting, it was failure to take adequate precautions where civilians were concerned, failure to take adequate precautions to protect civilians rather than a matter of deliberate targeting. That’s your position?

Mohideen. My position is, again I am repeating, if Muttur had been a Sinhala majority area government forces would have adopted a different procedure to get rid of the LTTE, if Muttur was a Tamil majority area, the LTTE would have adopted a different procedure. This war is a crime against the Muslims.

Hangawatte: Mr. Mohideen, thank you for coming. When you say that the forces failed to provide adequate security which resulted in some massacre by the LTTE, you are assuming that this is the case, there is no evidence to support that, I guess. Do you have any? I mean you are just assuming because it was a Muslim area they failed to provide adequate security. Why I am saying this is that there were many Sinhala villages in the East as well where the villagers had been massacred by the LTTE according to documented data and whole villages have been expelled. Again did the forces fail to provide security because these were Sinhala villages?

Mohideen. I am not directly accusing that they have been deliberately targeting or committing crimes against the Muslims. You wanted some evidence; our evidence is 39648 Muslims from 9920 families became refugees. 32 Muslims have been killed, 7 are still missing, and that is sufficient evidence for us to prove that this war has caused so much of damages to the Muslim interest.

Hangawatte: I would grant you that, just like it caused damages to other populations as well.

Mohideen: The approach was entirely different with regard to Muslims.

Paliahakkara: I just want clarification on two issues. What are the land issues the Muslims are facing in  the East. You referred to land rights issues, which are one. Secondly you said that the Muslims have been marginalized in the development process. I was not clear what evidence you gave on that, my understanding is that at the local levels, all communities are involved in the development process through their village level and provincial level participation. If you can please enlighten us?

Mohideen. With regard to your first question, the land problem. In the north and east, particularly in the eastern province, Muslims villages adjoining Tamil villages. Muslim agricultural lands adjoining the Tamil villages. What happened after the 1983 communal riots, the Tamils have adopted some animosity against the Muslims saying that they are opposed to the creation of a Tamil homeland, and they are supporting the government forces and like that, there was a lot of animosity against the Muslims by the Tamils.When ever Muslim lands were bordering the Tamil villages, our Muslim people did not have arms, all the Tamil terrorist had arms and also arms has been given by President Premadasa to the LTTE,  IPKF also provided arms to them and they were using those arms to grab the Muslims entering their field and forcibly occupying and I can give you details of all those things, village by village if you want I can give you. I give this to you as a separate document. In Amparai district 4211 cases, land area 16764 acres, one rood and fourteen perches; they have been forcibly occupied by the Tamils. These lands were owned by the Muslims on title deeds, government permits and registration by the Registrar of Agricultural Lands.  In Batticaloa, land belonging to 5475 families, 28813, acres 3 perches have been forcibly occupied.

Paliahakkara: Did this take place after the ceasefire or before?

Mohideen: Forcible occupation continued during the ceasefire period.

Paliahakkara:  But it began earlier?

Mohideen: It began earlier. Even the area under the government control according to the CFA, LTTE was in occupation of those lands. Most of these lands in the Eastern Province, Amparai district. 

Paliahakkara: So it was a law and order problem? 

Mohideen: Not a law and order problem, it was dominance of armed LTTE group. Amparai was not in occupation by the LTTE and they had very little say in Amparai district, same thing in Trincomalee district, they were dominant in Batticaloa district, but even in these two districts where most of the lands are forcibly occupied by the LTTE, Muslims were not allowed to go. I think you were in Thailand when we came for the peace talks. We had a long discussion with the LTTE, at that time Karuna was there

Paliahakkara: That was after the ceasefire. My question is that the process began long before that. 

Mohideen: Tamils forcibly occupying the lands started after the Indo Sri Lanka Accord of 1987.

Paliahakkara: Then the next one, the development process.

Mohideen: The programme started by HE the President, “Rising of the East”.  The Muslim problem is that we were not allowed to go to the field and continue with our cultivation. We cannot go to the see for fishing because most of the Muslim people in the north and east are farmers, fisherman and odd job people.  They could not go and carry on with their livelihood, they were prevented, they were killed, and they were cut and chopped, in the field. When they started doing this development work, army was carrying on; security forces were carrying on the development process with the LTTE. LTTE, This Karuna and Pillayan’s group and they were joining and carrying out the development t process but the Muslims were not given their legitimate part of participation in the government’s development programme. I can quote you one example. There is one Presidential Advisor, Bharthi in Amparai Thirukvil area. They never allowed the Muslims to go and cultivate their land, they and a lot if problems and the other one Muslim representatives were there as MP, Provincial Council members and local Pradesha Sabha members. They never gave a chance for them to participate in the development programme. Military people are doing, the government has their own GAs to carry on, and Muslims were not consulted or given a fair chance to participate in that process. I don’t want to say that the Muslims were totally neglected, but they were neglected, they were not given.

Chanmugam: As it reflects some sort of inability on the part of the Muslims leaders to engage in the process of development at the level that was demanded at the time. What was the role that was played by Muslim leaders in engaging themselves in this process of development?

Mohideen. It is a very good question. What were the Muslim leaders doing?  In the last government nearly 21 Muslims were made Ministers and Presidential Advisors, but the Muslims grievances became worse. But your question is development work, what were the Ministers and MPs were doing. Ministers were looking after themselves. They were not talking of putting up a school building, a hospital or anything. There was a special development programme started after taking over the Eastern province. That process was not given to the MPs or the Muslim Ministers, all were handled by the security forces and the LTTE. The government’s attitude was visible; they were giving undue advantages to the former LTTE terrorists who have joined the government. When we go and say why we can’t also do it, the government looked the other side. That is why during the last Presidential election and the general election the results very clearly indicate the Muslims registered their protest by not supporting President Mahinda Rajapakse’s party. I visited all the Muslim areas and counted the number of people and I submitted a report, more than 65% to 70%  of the Muslims in the Eastern Province did not support President Mahinda Rajapakse at the last Presidential Election and supported the opposition party General Fonseka to register their protest against this neglect they cast their vote against them.

Even now I have prepared road map identified each and every grievance. In this document I have the road map, in  what Ministry. For example the Police Stations in the eastern province, as a matter of fact Police stations in Muslim majority areas, 100% Muslim majority areas, not even 10% Muslim police officers. According to Section 21 (1) the language of administration must be in Tamil in the eastern province, what is the language of administration in Amparai and Trincomalee which is dominated by a Muslim majority districts. We couldn’t get a Muslim GA appointed to Amparai up to now. Amparai you’ll know is a Muslim majority area, then Trincomalee is another Muslim majority area, Batticaloa a Tamil majority area they have appointed a Tamil because they know the Tamils were agitating, they are fighting, they are asking for a separate state. The Muslims never fought, Muslims never became militants, terrorists and never asked for a separate state or divide the country, we are being totally neglected, this is the biggest grievance for us. We have learnt bitter lessons, we are at a cross road, what are we going to do. In the rehabilitation activity the amount of help that was given to the resettlement of the Tamil refugees, who became refugees only about 1 ½ years ago. Muslims were chased off from the North in 1990 they are suffering in refugee camps in Puttalam and other areas and very little development has taken place or very little efforts are taken to resettle them.

Why are we terrorist? have we asked for the division of the country, why this step motherly treatment to the Muslims. Muslims have stood with the Sinhalese; we opposed the division of the country. If we had also joined the Tamil terrorist the situation would have been entirely different, we have been cut, chopped and chased because we opposed the division of the country. Is this what we deserve. All the western countries are coming and visiting all the Tamil refugees who became refuges 1 ½ years ago nobody is talking of the resettlement of the 125,000 people. We have all the records. Even in the P-TOMS, Tsunami, the worst affected area was the eastern province; the majority of the victims were Muslims. What happened to them? The government wanted the coastal zones should be marked 100 meters, 200 meters buffer zone area. Up to now this has not being done. There are enough lands to resettle the Muslim victims. That is not done, why? What is that the Muslim community has done to be treated like this? 

I want this Commission, gentlemen, please, we are not asking for any favours, please do justice for us. We are citizens of Sri Lanka, we fought the Portuguese, Dutch and we never supported any of those invasions, we have stood with the Sinhalese, we never went before any Commission, international commission to blacken the image of the majority people. We supported the independence, but what are we getting. I have the facts and figures. I have written 159 documents from the independence. Electoral Constitutional Reforms, Electoral Reforms, Power Sharing Arrangements, North East Merger, Provincial Council Elections, the plight of Colombo Muslims, Minority Muslims, all issues have been recorded and we want justice for our case.

C.R de Silva: Can you give us a copy of those documents if you can part with that, if you have another copy because that would be very helpful to us.

Mohideen.  I would be too happy but this is the only copy. I am happy to give it to you provided you would do justice for our cause.  In the road map, I have identified Ministry by Ministry, department by department, and what are the issued the Muslims are facing in each of those areas, that is about this. I wanted HE the President to appoint a special task force to resolve these grievances, I have documented that too. You can take copies of these. We are interested in resolution of our problems as we have suffered enough. I came before this Commission with the hope that something will happen very shortly and the other one is if you can extend the period from the date that I mentioned it will be very useful, because the sufferings of the communities whether it would be Muslim, Tamil or Sinhala started with the Indo Sri Lanka Accord.

C.R de Silva: We are going to consider this from the entire context; we are not going to limit it because if there is reconciliation we have to go back so we are not going to limit it to a particular period we are even going back.

Mohideen. I participated at the peace talks as a consultant on Muslim issues, with Muslim Congress and Rauff Hakeem. At the consensus reach in Norway, Mr.Rauff Hakeem and his Secretary came back leaving me alone there, I am the one who represented the Muslim community and I am the one who witnessed their signature, signing of that incident. I have spent nearly 45 years of my life on this issue Sir, anything, at any time I am available, we want peace, if Muslims have to live peacefully the Sinhalese must live peacefully and the Tamils must live peacefully so we all must put in a joint effort. We are doing all these things and unless you identify the grievance you cannot find a solution. Who are the people responsible for the solution I have replied, the Minister and the Deputies. Item by item I have made it very simple and I hope the Commission will consider these things favourably.

I am very happy to be here Sir, and I am extremely happy for giving me this opportunity to come and give evidence before you’ll.

C. R de Silva: Thank you Mr. Mohideen for coming over here and spending a lot of time with us. We are certainly possessed of your views and your arguments and we would be making use of these arguments and views which you very clearly expressed today in formulating our recommendations.






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